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The Russian invasion of Ukraine has given a new impetus to relations between Washington and Berlin. Political observers say, however, that improvements had begun earlier. The war in Ukraine “revived the entire transatlantic alliance and Germany is no exception”, Daniel Benjamin, former official of the US State Department and now president of the American Academy in Berlin, tells DW. “Since taking office, the new US administration has focused particularly on Germany, with a desire to repair the damage in mutual relations.”
Common positions in the resistance against Russia has accelerated the repair. The US government rejoiced when Chancellor Olaf Scholz effectively buried the Nord Stream 2 natural gas pipeline from Russia to Germany, which President Joseph Biden has called “a bad deal for Europe”. Instead, Germany wants to rapidly build liquefied natural gas terminals, which will make it easier for Germany to import gas from the United States.
Both in absolute terms and relative to economic power, the US has contributed more than Germany to Ukraine’s war against Russia. Germany continues to have a reputation in NATO, that it has contributed less than its political weight should. According to the Kiel Institute for the World Economy, until June 7, Germany had delivered to Ukraine 35 percent of the military aid it had promised, the United States had delivered almost 50 percent, while countries such as Poland and the Baltic states were on the threshold of 100 percent or next to him.
During Donald Trump’s term, these poor German figures drew public rebuke from Washington. The Biden administration follows a different path. “We welcome Germany’s contribution and call on Germany and other countries to provide Ukraine with military equipment so that it can defend itself against Russia,” US embassy spokesman Joe Giordono-Scholz said in a statement to DW. in Berlin.
An important element is Scholz’s promise to arm the Bundeswehr with 100 billion euros. Although this financial injection is a direct consequence of the war, it cannot influence its course. German security experts see it more as a kind of compensation for years of neglect. German tanks will not necessarily appear on the battlefields of Ukraine. But the extra funding for the Bundeswehr could help Germany convince its allies – and its opponents – that Scholz is serious about his declaration that he will “defend every inch of NATO territory”.
Even if the government coalition led by Scholz, made up of the Social Democrats, the Greens and the liberal FDP, won the approval of the opposition CDU/CSU to upgrade the armament of the Bundeswehr, it remains unclear what it will spend the $100 billion on. The Ministry of Defense, which has long had problems with supplies. At least part of the money will go to American arms companies, which can supply many of the weapons systems Germany is interested in.
Participation in the case nuclear
High on the shopping list is the F-35 fighter jet, although the US Department of Defense has not yet approved full-scale production of the model for its Air Force.
But the order from Germany shows that the country is still interested in participating in the nuclear composition of NATO. After the old Tornado fighter jets are phased out, NATO will continue with the F-35 to carry US nuclear weapons. This is one of the most important expectations Americans have of their European allies. However, the issue is complicated in Germany. Because both Scholz’s SPD and the Greens see themselves as parties of disarmament.
The Greens have so far been particularly critical of nuclear participation. But the “turning point” announced by the German chancellor after the start of the war also means that some political positions, which were once sacred, are now valued differently.
Asia or Europe?
If regular German defense spending is added to the 100 billion special fund for the Bundeswehr, then Germany will – in absolute terms – have the largest defense budget in Europe. Political observers see the debt-financed special spending as a symbol of German credibility with potentially important strategic consequences for the United States: Unlike its European allies, the United States sees itself as the dominant power — in direct competition with an increasingly more powerful. in the Pacific region.
For years, American foreign policy has tended to focus more on East Asia in a difficult balancing act, without neglecting its transatlantic security commitment. “The US can no longer be led by Asia – without great risks to Europe – without a successful ‘tipping point’. (The US) could leave (Europe), but Europe would then be at great risk,” Michal Baranowski of the German Marshall Fund told DW. His “horror scenario” would be that Russia does not “break” in the war in Ukraine, the US leaves Europe and Germany does not fill the void. “Then Russia would again have the chance to rebuild its power and its armed forces, but this time to go beyond Ukraine,” says Baranovsky.
Confidence in the German-American partnership
On the American side, the danger to mutual relations comes from domestic politics. Biden today, a few months before the congressional elections in November, looks weak. Normally, in the so-called “mid-term elections”, the party that has the president loses seats in Congress.
It is unclear whether Biden’s successor, whether after one or two terms, will continue Biden’s long-term partnerships, such as with Germany. According to a poll by the Atlantic Bridge Association, which works to promote mutual relations, about 60 percent of Americans and Germans agree that the Biden and Scholz administrations have strengthened ties. Even more, 71 percent of Americans polled and 81 percent of Germans say relations should be close, regardless of which government is in charge.
According to the survey, the war in Ukraine has strengthened mutual trust. However, both sides remain skeptical, if the other “does what is right”.
In May, the US Congress approved a $40 billion aid package for Ukraine. Security in Europe is likely to be one of the few issues not affected by the fierce power struggle between the White House and Congress. “The optimist in me says this is a sustainable trend that goes beyond the Biden administration,” says Daniel Benjamin of the American Academy, “when both sides consider the global situation.”/dw
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