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The compromise envisages an attempt to amend the Macedonian Constitution to recognize the Bulgarian minority, but leaves many sensitive issues to be resolved between Skopje and Sofia. It is said to leave open the Bulgarian recognition of the Macedonian language.
It should be cause for celebration, not only for Skopje, but also for the European Union, which, finally, seems to have revived its enlargement process.
However, the decades-old backlog is likely to leave a bitter aftertaste – and, worse, could dictate North Macedonia’s tone in future negotiations with the bloc.
Other Western Balkan countries aiming for the EU, as well as newly declared candidate countries – Moldova and Ukraine – could learn a thing or two from North Macedonia when it comes to their journey to Brussels.
This ongoing saga has shown them that it is not enough to reform domestically to meet EU standards. Most important, perhaps, is the resolution of any open bilateral issues with EU member states.
Few countries have had to face as many challenges – as North Macedonia – in their efforts to join Western organizations.
The biggest happened in 2019, when Macedonia changed its name to North Macedonia, thus resolving a dispute with its southern neighbor, Greece. This, then, has paved the way for Skopje’s admission to NATO in 2020.
With the name change, the process of North Macedonia’s admission to the EU could start since then, but both North Macedonia and Albania – whose paths to EU membership are connected – had to wait another year. as France has not been satisfied with the way the overall bloc enlargement process has been designed.
To appease Paris, Brussels has made some cosmetic changes, although many EU diplomats have said the delay had more to do with French President Emmanuel Macron’s nervousness about local elections in his country.
Then Bulgaria’s objections to North Macedonia started, blocking the start of accession talks between Skopje and the EU.
Sofia’s main concerns are related to the slow implementation of the Treaty of Friendship, signed between the two states in 2017; with the alleged repression of the Bulgarian minority in North Macedonia and with the origin and status of the Macedonian language, which Sofia considers a dialect of Bulgarian.
In the French proposal, presented at the beginning of the summer, when France still held the presidency of the Council of the European Union, some, but not all, of these issues are addressed.
Most importantly, before it can begin accession talks with Brussels, Skopje must amend its Constitution – this time to include a reference to its Bulgarian minority.
In the French proposal, there are also references related to the Treaty of Friendship, which hint that controversial historical and educational issues will continue to haunt relations between the two neighbors.
Some EU officials, who have spoken to Radio Free Europe, think that the proposal presented by France is “unfair” to Skopje, but no one seems to have any better idea.
It is worth remembering that the pro-reform government in Sofia was overthrown in June, because the French proposal was seen as too “conciliatory”.
An EU diplomat, who wished to remain anonymous because he was not authorized to speak on the matter, said: “If Skopje does not agree to this [propozimin francez], he will languish in the same place for another decade. At least”.
Bulgaria’s new government could easily demand more and block the process once again.
And, the very fact that the 27 member states of the EU are seriously considering the separation of Albania from North Macedonia in the EU membership process, has highlighted the pressure that Skopje has had from all sides to agree to the French proposal.
After all, this is what the asymmetrical relationship between EU members and those hoping to join the EU looks like. EU member states ask, candidates act. Simply put, EU countries are very keen to get everything they can from other countries. Requests can be made even before the start of membership talks. When they begin, the candidate country must then begin the slow process of approving EU legislation, which is divided into over 30 chapters.
The twenty-seven member states of the EU must unanimously decide when to open and when to close those chapters./Radio Free Europe.
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